ՀՐԱՆՈՒՇ ԽԱՌԱՏԵԱՆ / HRANUSH KHARATYAN 
(arm)
Եղիշէ առաքեալի, Գրիգորիսի եւ Կովկասեան Աղուանքի քրիստոնէացման հարցի շուրջ (կովկասեան աղուանքի հին կրկնագիր-ձեռագրի վերծանութեան հրատարակութեան առիթով) 
Touching upon issues of Yeghishe the Apostle, Grigoris and the christianization of the Caucasian Aghvank (Albania) (In connection with the publication of the deciphering of the Caucasian Albanian old double-script palimpsest) 

Bazmavep 2010 / 1 - 2, pp. 19-74

In the given article the extended preface of the deciphered text of the “Al­ba­nian” (Aghvan) Palimpsest discovered on Mount Sinai is reviewed (authors - Zaza Aleksidze, Jean-Pierre Mahé). The authors of the preface tried to restore some Southern Caucasian events of the first millennium A.D. and the Aghvan par­ticipation in it in order to make out the probable history of the Aghvan ma­nuscripts. The article touches upon the hypothesis regarding the Aghvank Chris­tianization process and chronology offered by Zaza Aleksidze and Jean-Pierre Mahé and the interpretation of the medieval source of information. Ac­cor­ding to the hypothesis set forth by the authors, the Christianization process of Aghvank has its own apostolic history (the Apostle is Eghishe) without Arme­nian inter­vention (the story of Urnayr’s Christianization by Trdat and Gregory the Illumi­nator is baseless; Grigoris never preached in Aghvank); the Church of Aghvank at times collaborated with the Armenian and Georgian churches (in 451), how­ever in general the church of Aghvank was independent and it became subject to the hierarchy of the Armenian Church from the sixth century. The­re­fore, speaking about Armenian intervention in the Aghvank Christianization process is superfluous. 
In the column below, one can see the views of Z. Aleksidze and Jean-Pierre Mahé on the chronology of the spread of Christianity in Aghvank (left column) and in the right column you see my arguments suggesting that their viewpoints are one-sided.
 |   | Zaza Aleksidze’s, Jean-Pierre Mahé’s conclusions | H. Kharatyan
 |   | “According to our critical approach to the legends about Eghishe, Urnayr and Grigoris, we may bring forward the following chronology of Aghvank Christianization“. | According to Zaza Aleksidze’s and Jean-Pierre Mahé’s discussions and arguments, the analyses on the “History of the Aghvan world“ and other above-mentioned sources of information, we may comment on the conclusions of the above-mentioned authors.
 | - After 70 A.D. | -After 70 A.D. Elisay (Eghishe), one of the former disciples of the Lord’s brother is believed to have preached the Gospel in Albania and founded “the Mother Church of the East” in Gis (i.e. Kis, north of Sheki). Soon afterwards, he died.  | The legend of Eghishe “was born” in the seventh century and cannot be included into the earlier period of the Aghvank Christianization history. Gis situated to the north of Shaki within the framework of Aghvank Christianization was given importance from the seventh century onwards. The legend about Eghishe is not the evidence of the apostolic period of the Aghvank Christianity, but that of the anti-Armenian initiatives of 7th century Aghvank.
 | - 315 | According to the “Life of Gregory” (ca. 405-428?), the Illuminator sent one Thomas of Satala to Albania, “a holy man” but not a bishop. The historically unrevealed legend of Trdat and Urnayr seems to have derived from the city of Satagh (Satala) after being mentioned by a holy man named Thomas. We don’t know whether he actually went across the left bank of the Kura, or to the Armenian-speaking provinces of the right bank. | Even if the initial version of Agatangeghos’ “Life of Gregory” still continues to consider a certain Urnayr (a contemporary of Trdat) the king of Aghvank (or according to A. Hakobyan, this name was introduced by later authors) then he could hardly have confused the Aghvank of the beginning of the 4th century with the 5th century Aghvank with new borders. The author of “Life of Gregory” placed the 4th century Aghvank on the right bank of the Kura river. If we doubt not the existence of Thomas but the fact of his being in the 4th century Aghvank, then this doubt is baseless. The authors seem to speak about Thomas exclusively for the last baseless sentence, “We don’t know whether he actually went across the left bank of the Kura, or to the Armenian-speaking provinces of the right bank.” To put it differently, the aim of the authors is again to exclude, to eliminate the circumstances of the Aghvank Christianization from Armenia
 | - 334. | The thorough study of the historiographic data arrives at a conclusion that Grigoris never preached in Aghvank and played no role in the Christianization process of the country. Saint Grigoris, the grandson of Gregory the Illuminator, was martyred by the Mazkuts on the shore of the Caspian Sea. This fact does not concern the kingdom of Albania. | Pavstos Buzand’s description of Grigoris as “Catholicos of Georgia and Aghvank” “who built and repaired all the churches of all the parts”, “who set off and reached the camp of Mazkut’ king Sanesan”, as well as after Trdat’s death the information on Grigoris’s murder (who was preaching in the North-East) provided by M. Khorenatsi are misrepresented in the authors’ interpretations. Even if the place of Grigoris’s murder “does not concern the kingdom of Aghvank” then before the murder the territory of his activity is certainly Aghvank and at least from the 5th century after he was declared Illuminator of Aghvank by Vachagan, the overall image of Grigoris became the symbol of Christianization of Aghvank.
 | - After 371 | King Urnayr of Albania, a former ally of the Sassanians, became a Christian. We don’t know the circumstances of his conversion. No need to assume an Armenian intervention. Anyway there already existed a Christian community in Gis. | After 371, the Christianization of Urnayr is imaginary and unreasoned. Though if led by the logic of the authors’ analyses, this very Urnayr who was the ally of Persia was pagan; and there is no information about his conversion, nevertheless, not looking for supplementary arguments, using the name of king “Urnayr” mentioned only in sources during the Christianization of Aghvank, they come to the following conclusion, “We don’t know the circumstances of his conversion. No need to assume an Armenian intervention.” From the latest source-study analyses in this connection A. Hakobyan’s work deserves mention where the author states that the Armenian king Trdat (4th century) was a contemporary of the king of Aghvank Vachagan the Brave, whose name was replaced with “Urnayr” by the 7th century annalists, and the further copyists stuck to this very name “Urnayr” in their manuscripts. In any case, the act of dating the Christianization of Aghvank by skipping some sources only because of the name “Urnayr” is deeply questionable, especially when the authors “don’t know the circumstances of his conversion”. The possible existence of a Christian community in Gis became a factor of justification of the Aghvan independence only in the 7th century.
 | -Ca. 422 | Under the reign of King Arsual (en) (Arsuaghen, Yesuaghen) (ca. 421-438) (actually perhaps in 450), Mashtots invented the Albanian script. According to Koriwn’s (Koryun’s) “Life of Mashtots” later the whole Bible was translated into Albanian. | This means that the Armenians never hampered the cultural self-determination of Aghvank, on the contrary, they contributed to it. At the same time it confirms the continuation of impact of the Armenian Christianity on Aghvank. 
 | - 428 and 451. | When found, Elisay’s relics were transferred first to the Church of Urekan, then to the Monastery of Nersamihr/Jrvstik.  | In this period the relics of Eghishe could not have been found. Eghishe as an Apostle together with his legend “wasn’t yet born”. It’s strange that the authors, quite well understanding that the story about Eghishe is a legend, are trying to restore the “exact” chronology. 
 | - 451 | In 451 the resistance of the Armenians, the Iberians and the Albanians against the Sassanian persecutions strengthened the relations between the Caucasian churches.  | Indeed, 451 was a period of amazing solidarity of the Armenian, Georgian and Aghvan churches. 
 | - 463 | In his letter to King Vache (Vace) II of Albania, the Armenian Catholicos Giwt Arahezaci related how Urnayr was baptized by St. Gregory, which is chronologically impossible.   | As mentioned above, in Giwt Arahezaci’s letter the presence of the name “Urnayr” is a consequence of misunderstanding. “Perhaps we should think that after “է” century when the return from Aghvank was “officially” connected with the only king of Aghvank Urnayr mentioned for the century “Դ” by Movses Khorenatsi, the canonized name of Urnayr was introduced into Giwt’s Paper original by some distinguished pen” (A. Hakobyan, “The novel of Vachagan”, p.71). According to the evidence of the sources, the king of Aghvank, whoever he might be, adopted Christianity thanks to the Armenian king Trdat, was baptized by Gregory the Illuminator, after which the grandson of the Illuminator Grigoris was sent to Aghvank.
 | - 489 | The relics of St. Grigoris were found in Amaras, then regarded as the Illuminator of the whole kingdom by King Vachagan III the Pious (Barepasht). The martyrdom of Eghishe the Apostle was honored by erecting an obelisk on the ditch of Homenk.  | Let me say again that the seventh-century information about Eghishe the Apostle is altogether a concoction of the seventh century and chronologically has no connection with the events of the fifth century, including the stories about Grigoris’s relics.
 
So, the article shows that Zaza Aleksidze’s and Jean-Pierre Mahé’s con­clusions on the Aghvank Christianization chronology actually con­cern not the chronology of the Christianization process but the exclusion of the Armenian participation in this process